W3r- 




A LETTER OF NOAH WEBSTER 
TO DANIEL WEBSTER, 1834 



By WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD 



REPRINTED FROM THE 



§lnutJian lii^tutJiat ^mm 



VOL. IX NO. I 



OCTOBER, 1903 



E 301 
.M38 
Copy 1 



[Reprinted from The American Historicai, Review, Vol. IX., No. i, Oct., 1903.] 



2. A Letter of Noah Webster to Daniel Webster, 18 j^. 

For the following letter the Review is indebted to Mr. Worth- 
ington Chauncey Ford, of Washington, D. C. The original letter 
is in his possession. 

New Haven, Sept. 6. 1834 
Sir, 

I understand by the public prints that you have been charged with 
saying, "Let Congress take care of the rich, the rich will take care of 
the poor. ' ' In reply to a letter from Mr. Brooks of Portland, you have 
contradicted the statement, by which it appears to be false and ground- 
less. I confess. Sir, I am mortified that the propagation of such a 
calumny, and its reception by a portion of the people, should make it 
necessary for a gentleman of your character to deny the charge. I am 



97 Documents 

mortified that men can be found, in this country, zveak enough to sup- 
pose you, or any respectable man, capable of the meanness which could 
dictate such a declaration, or wicked enough to propagate it, knowing it 
to be false. Yet it is not improbable our country contains multitudes of 
persons who may fall under both descriptions. 

But, Sir, this is only a different form of expression, which I have 
known to be used, for more than half a century, to discredit the best 
men that ever adorned the councils of the United States. My age car- 
ries back my recollections farther than yours. In the year 1783, I com- 
menced, as a political writer, a vindication of the measures of the Old 
Congress, in favor of the army. To make good the losses of the army 
by receiving depreciated bills in payment of their wages, and preventing 
a dissolution of the army. Congress granted to the officers half pay for 
life ; which grant, to appease the popular clamor against pensions, was 
afterwards commuted for five years full pay. This grant roused an op- 
position among the more jealous republicans of that day, which agitated 
all New England, but was most violent in Connecticut, in which state it 
came near to cause a revolution. So unreasonable was this spirit of 
opposition, that the officers of the patriotic army, most of whom were 
nearly beggared by the loss of their wages, were represented as having 
enriched themselves by the war of the revolution. They were denounced 
as rich men and aristocrats, who had raised themselves to affluence upon 
the distresses of the people. The same low jealousy which now de- 
nounces the bank as a moneyed aristocracy, and rich men as the enemies 
of the poor, then assailed the brave men who hazarded their lives and 
property to defend their country, and to whom, under providence, the 
slanderers were indebted for their liberties, and to whom we owe the 
independence of the United States.' 

At that period, and after the present constitution of the U States 
went into operation, I devoted four or five years almost exclusively to the 
vindication of the measures of ' Congress and of the administration of 
Washington. My employment made it necessary for me to read all the 
public prints, and of course, to observe all the forms in which the popu- 
lar jealousy appeared, and all the artifices of the opposers of Washing- 
ton's administration, who were originally anti-federalists , and who, with 
one heart and all their influence opposed the adoption of the constitu- 
tion. This party afterward took the title of republican or democratic, as 
being less odious than antifedcral, and with equal unanimity, opposed 
the policy of General Washington, during his whole administration. 

As early as the year 1783 or 1784, I became acquainted with the 
practice of exciting popular odium against public men, by propagating 
slanderous reports similar, in spirit, to that which you have contradicted. 

1 See also Noah Webster, A Collection of Papers on Political, Literary and Moral 
Subjects (New York, 1843), 316-321. Ed. 

2 For some time he wrote for the Connecticut Courant. He later, 1793) established 
in New York the American Minerva, subsequently the Neto York Commercial Adver- 
tiser. Ed. 

AM. HIST. REV., VOL. IX. — 7. 



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, 04-. ^LiLjU^^^JiJUk. 



A Letter of Noah Webstei^ to Daniel Webster 98 

The most common slander was that '' A B says the times will never be 
good, till the poorman is obliged to eat sheef s head and pluck ; or a sheep's 
head and pluck are good enough for poor people. ' ' In the year i 783, when 
the opposers of the commutation act of Congress combined to dismiss, 
from the council, the members who had conducted us through the revo- 
lution, and who sustained the measures of congress, this slanderous report 
was circulated against the Hon. Oliver Wolcott of Litchfield, afterward 
governor of Connecticut, the first governor of that name. The slander 
had such effect in diminishing his popularity in Litchfield county, that 
had not the members of that body been chosen by the voters of the whole 
state, he would have lost his election. Yet from an acquaintance with 
that gentleman, I can affirm, there was not a more firm whig or upright 
and patriotic republican in the state. 

The same or similar calumnies were circulated against other eminent 
statesmen, as against the Huntingtons in Norwich. Indeed I have fre- 
quently heard the same story told, with little variation for more than fifty 
years. It is revived, whenever an independent statesman, is to be driven 
from the public councils by a rival, or by popular jealousy. 

You see then that the slanderous story which you have contradicted, 
is only a new form of an old calumny, proceeding from the same spirit of 
jealousy, which is as common as it is ill-founded. 

That the poor should envy the rich, even when poverty is the effect 
of their own idleness and vices, is very natural ; as it is immoral and 
absurd. What would become of the poor without the rich ? How would 
they subsist, without employment, and how could they be employed, 
without the capital of the rich ? 

Who but the wealthy can pay the public expenses ? Who can furnish 
the capital for canals, and railroads, and all other public improvements ? 
The poor, without the aid of the wealthy, would perish or be doomed to 
the life of savages. The rich want the labor of the poor, and the poor 
must have the support of the rich. There is a mutual dependence, which 
ought to make the two classes friends to each other ; and any attempt to 
make the poor hate the rich is of all the loiu tricks of demagogues the 
meanest, and most detestable. 

The disposition to defame and libel political opponents is a rampant 
evil in the United States, and a proof of deep depravity. It appeared 
soon after the treaty of peace in 1783 had removed the dangers of the 
country ; but broke out in all its violence in the attempts to turn the tide 
of popular favor from Gen, Washington and his federal friends, in 1793 
and 1794. 

When the French commenced the reform of their government, the 
people of this country generally felt a deep interest in their success ; and 
it was hoped and believed that the French would establish a republican 
government, which many of our citizens have thought to be synonymous 
with 2. free government — an opinion not always verified by facts. When 
the French Minister Genet arrived in the United States, for the purpose 
of engaging this country in the war in union with France, a majority of 



99 Documents 

our citizens, certainly a majority in some of the States, wished that his 
intentions might be realized. They were ready and urgent to have our 
government join with France in the war against tyratits. The policy of 
Gen. Washington resisted this disposition ; he foresaw the danger of such 
an alliance, which might involve this country in interminable evils ; he 
determined, if possible, to preserve peace ; and his popularity alone 
enabled him to effect his purpose. Nothing but his personal influence 
prevented the success of Genet ; but it was doubtful, for several months, 
whether Washington or Genet should determine the policy of the United 
States. 

At this time the antifederal party adhered to the policy of the 
French Minister ; and raised loud clamors against President Washington, 
who was denounced as a partisan of Great Britain, and his federal coun- 
cil and supporters were charged with an undue partiality for monarchy. 
Two newspapers,^ one published in Philadelphia and the other in New 
York, took the lead in traducing Washington, and his policy ; and never 
ceased till he left the administration. In the period, between 1793 and 
1797, I am persuaded the slanders and misrepresentations published in 
those papers would amount to the contents of a large octavo volume. 

The freedom of the press is a valuable privilege ; but the abuse of it, 
in this country, is a frightful eviL The licentiousness of the press is a 
deep stain upon the character of the country ; and in addition to the 
evil of calumniating good men, and giving a wrong direction to public 
measures, it corrupts the people by rendering them insensible to the 
value of truth and of reputation. Party spirit, indulged to excess has a 
similar effect, as bigotry in religion, and to blast the reputation of a 
political adversary, who stands in the way of success, is to do God ser- 
vice. What extreme virulence of partisan malevolence must that have 
been which could denounce, as traitors to their country, a Washington 
and a Jay, men of as pure integrity and patriotism, as ever trod the soil 
of America ! But see the proof In August 1795 ; the following para- 
graph appeared in a gazette published in Richmond, Virginia, by one 
Davis. 

" Notice is hereby given. That in case the treaty entered into by that 
-d archtraitor J n J y, with the British tyrant, should 



be ratified, a petition will be presented to the next General Assembly of 
Virginia, their next session, praying that the said state may recede from 
the Union, and be left under the government and protection of One hun- 
dred thousand free and independent Virginians. 

P. S. As it is the wish of the people of the said State to enter into 
a treaty of amity, commerce and navigation with any other state or 
states of the present union, who are averse to returning again under the 
galling yoke of Great Britain : The printers of the (at present) United 
States, are requested to publish the above notification."^ 

^ Probably the Aitrora and the Nezv York Daily Gazette. En. 

2 See also Noah Webster, A Collection of Papers on Political, Literary and Moral 
Subjects (New York, 1843), 325. Ed. 



A Letter of Noah Webster to Daniel Webster lOO 

This denunciation was published before the writer knew that Presi- 
dent Washington had signed and completed the ratification of the treaty. 

But the treaty was ratified and went into operation ; and notwith- 
standing all the French partisans, or democratic party had opposed its 
ratification, in every way, except by the use of physical force, the treaty 
proved to be not only the means of preserving peace and amity, with 
Great Britain, but in a commercial view, it was found to be the best ' 
treaty we ever had with a foreign power. Its expiration at the end of 
ten years was extremely regretted.^ 

Now attend to the manner in which the same party treated the great 
and good Washington. 

On the 4"' day of March 1797, the day after the last term of Wash- 
ington's administration expired, the following paragraph appeared in the 
Aurora, the principal paper which had vilified that excellent man for 
several years. 

"Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes 
have seen thy salvation," was the pious ejaculation of a man who beheld 
a flood of happiness rushing in upon mankind. If ever there was a time 
that would license the reiteration of the exclamation, that time has now 
arrived ; for the man who is the source of all the misfortunes of our 
country is this day reduced to a level with his fellow citizens, and is no 
longer possessed of power to multiply evils, upon the United States. If 
there was ever a period for rejoicing, this is the moment ; every heart, 
in unison with the freedom and happiness of the people, ought to beat 
high with exultation, that the name of Washington, from this day, ceases 
to give a currency to political iniquity and to legalize corruption. A 
new era is now opening upon us ; an era which promises much to the 
people ; for public measures must now stand upon their own merits, and 
nefarious projects can no longer be supported by a name. When a retro- 
spect is taken of the Washingtonian administration for eight years, it is 
a subject of the greatest astonishment, that a single individual should 
have cankered the principles of republicanism in an enlightened people, 
just emerged from the gulf of despotism, and should have carried his 
designs against the public liberty so far, as to have put in jeopardy its 
very existence. Such however are the facts, and with these staring us in 
the face, this day ought to be a jubilee in the United States." ' 

Is there any way. Sir, to restrain this spirit of slander, which is con- 
tinually pouring forth libels and defamatory reports against the most intel- 
ligent, upright and consistent republican citizen ? Must any man and 
every man, who boldly supports the constitution, according to its true 
principles, be subjected to insult, and degradation, from intriguers and 
violent party men ? Is there no reward but reproach and infamy, for the 
purest motives and noblest actions that ever adorn the character of men ? 
I have observed this spirit of calumny and misrepresentation for half a 
century ; I have examined the motives from which it springs, I have 
seen its effects ; and instead of deriving any hopes of reformation from 

^Ibid., 179-224. Ed. 

2 Bache, at that time the editor of the Aurora, was the writer of this article. See 
ayy Spurious Letters attributed to Washington, 15S, note. W. C. F. 



loi Documents 

the supposed increasing intelligence of the people, recent facts continu- 
ally occurring have confirmed my apprehensions that the evil admits of 
no effectual remedy. Some amendments of the constitution may perhaps 
abate the evil, by restraining the ambition of office-seekers ; but the evil 
seems to be inseparable from frequent popular elections. 

This practice of libeling political opponents, will often drive the best 
men from public stations, or prevent them from accepting offices ; it will 
generate the most violent animosities between men who have a common 
interest in the public welfare, and a common attachment to republican 
forms of government ; it will sometimes degrade or render odious the 
good, and exalt the had to popularity and to offices of honor, which they 
will dishonor by their vices or their weakness. Many of our public evils 
may be traced to deception practiced upon the people, by calumny and 
misrepresentations. A majority of our citizens have, in some cases, been 
wholly mistaken in the characters and designs of their favorite leaders, 
as well as in the true policy of their measures. Some of these mistakes 
will last during the present generation ; others may be dissipated by the 
public mischief which they produce. 

Of mistakes which pervade a large portion of the community, several 
instances may be mentioned ; but I shall specify one instance only, 
which is often a theme of declamation and abuse : this is a misapprehen- 
sion of the origin and design of the Hartford Convention.^ I mention 
this, because I was personally concerned, in the origination of it, and 
am acquainted with every measure that preceded it, and with the men 
who were the authors of it. I am the more inclined to state the circum- 
stances of its origin, as they seem not to have been known to those who 
have written in vindication of the measure. 

The Hartford Convention in 1814 has been represented as having for 
its object a dissolution of the Union : and continued attempts have been 
made to vilify the men who composed the convention, and thus to de- 
stroy their political influence. I Jinow the charge against the men con- 
cerned in the origin and prosecution of that convention, to \:)Q false. 

The facts respecting the origin of that convention are these. A 
number of Gentlemen in Northampton, in the county of Hampshire, tak- 
ing into consideration the distresses of the country, occasioned by the 
war, and embargo, judged it advisable to invite a meeting of some of the 
more influential men in the neighboring towns, for the purpose of con- 
versing on the subject, and adopting some measures to manifest the senti- 
ments of the people to the legislature at their approaching session. The 
result of this conference was, that one of the gentlemen addressed a let- 
ter dated January 5, 18 14, to several gentlemen in the netghboring 
towns, requesting them to meet at Northampton on the 19"' of that month, 
"for the purpose of a free and dispassionate discussion touching our 
public concerns ' ' ; stating also that the legislature which was soon to 
meet, would probably be gratified to know the feelings and wishes of 
the people. That letter is now before me. 

iCf. Webster, A Collection of Papers, etc., 3H-315. Ed. 



A Letter of Noah Webster to Daniel Webster 102 

In compliance with that request, several gentlemen met, and after a 
free conversation on the calamities of the country, they appointed a 
committee to prepare a circular address to the several towns in the three 
counties, Hampshire, Hampdon and Franklin, called the Old county of 
Hampshire. A .printed copy of that address is now before me. The 
chief complaints urged in this address, against the measures of Congress, 
are the unconstitutionality of the embargo, the distresses resulting from 
the interruption of our commerce, and the inequality of the representa- 
tion of the commercial states in Congress. The following are the con- 
cluding paragraphs of that circular. 

" We forbear to enumerate all the measures of the federal govern- 
ment, which we consider a violation of the constitution and encroach- 
ments on the rights of the people, and which bear particularly hard upon 
the commercial people of the north. But we would invite our fellow 
citizens to consider, whether peace will remedy our public evils, without 
some amendments of the constitution, which shall secure to the Northern 
States, their due weight and influence in our national councils." 

''The Northern States acceded to the representation of slaves, as a 
matter of compromise, upon the express stipulation in the constitution 
that they should be protected in the enjoyment of their commercial 
rights. These stipulations have been repeatedly violated, and it cannot 
be expected that the Northern States should be willing to bear their 
proportion of the burdens of the federal government, without enjoyino- 
the benefits stipulated." 

"If our fellow citizens should concur with us in opinion, we would 
suggest, whether it would not be a^^^^x^x^r for the people in town meet- 
ings to address memorials to the General Court at their present session, 
petitioning that honorable body to propose a convention of all the Northern 
and Commercial States, by delegates to be appointed by their respective legis- 
latures, to consult upon measures in concert, for procuring such altera- 
tions m the federal constitution as will give to the Northern States a due 
proportion of representation, and .secure them from the future exercise of 
powers injurious to their commercial interests ; or if the general court 
shall see fit, that they would pursue such other course, as they in their 
wisdom shall deem best calculated to effect the objects. The measure is 
of such magnitude that we apprehend a concert of states will be useful 
and even necessary to procure the amendments proposed ; and should the 
people of the several towns concur in this opinion, it would be expedient 
to act on the subject without delay." 

At the time of this meeting I was not a member of the legislature ; 
but I was chosen in the April following. 

In compliance with the proposal in this circular, several town meet- 
ings were held. In Northampton, a town meeting was held on the 25th 
of January, in which it was voted to address a memorial to the legislature 
then in session, on the subject of the public evils. In this memorial, the 
town prayed the legislature to take measures to obtain amendments to 
the constitution, either by a convention of delegates from the Northern and 
commercial States, or in such other way as should be judged suitable. 

At a town meeting in Hatfield, held on the 28th of January, a mem- 
orial of a like tenor was addressed to the General Court and this con- 



I03 Doauneiits 

tained a like request for a meeting of delegates from the Northei'ii States 
for the same purposes. 

A town meeting was held in Deerfield on the loth of January, which 
voted a memorial to the General Court, in which the inhabitants peti- 
tioned that body to take energetic measures for a redress of grievenances. 

A town meeting was held in Amherst on the third of January, and 
resolutions were passed, enumerating the distresses of the country, and 
directing the representatives of the town in the General Court, to take 
the most vigorous measures to put an end to a hopeless war. 

These applications were made to the legislature then in session, but 
as negotiations were then on foot for concluding a treaty of peace with 
Great Britain, it was judged advisable to postpone any action on them 
during that Session. 

But the negotiation was protracted during the following summer ; 
the affairs of the country grew worse ; our shipping was dismantled and 
perishing in our harbors ; the public treasury was exhausted ; the banks 
south and west of New England had suspended specie payments ; the 
coast of Connecticut was blockaded by British ships; a part of Maine 
was in possession of a British force ; and the whole coast of New England 
was left without any adequate defense. Canada had been invaded and 
abandoned ; battles had been fought on land without any advantage to 
the cause ; and excepting the triumphant victories of our frigates, nothing 
but loss and calamity attended a prosecution of the war. 

These circumstances induced Governor Strong to summon a special 
Session of the General Court in October 1814. At this session, the 
convention was proposed. I was present when the proposal was made, 
and when it was debated in the House of Representatives. 1 believed 
then as I still believe that the measure was justified by the exigencies of 
that crisis, and that it had a beneficial effect. The spirit displayed on 
that occasion must have had a beneficial effect in checking the audacious 
tyranny which subjected us to the most wanton violations of the consti- 
tution in prosecuting an unnecessary and fruitless war — a war that cost 
the United States a hundred millions of dollars and thirty thousand lives, 
without gaining one object for which it was undertaken. I then con- 
sidered, and I still consider a combination of the commercial States to 
recover their rights, and restore the business of the country to its usual 
channels, as important and as legitimate, as the Union of the Colonies in 
1774 to resist the oppressive measures of Great Britain. 

The proceedings and result of the Convention are before the public. 
They were such as to do honor to the members of that patriotic body, 
and would do honor to the ablest council ever assembled in America. 
The treaty of peace which soon followed superceded further proceedings. 

It will be observed that the first proposals for a convention proceeded 
irom. the. peop/e in their, primary assemi'Iies. Not one person in Boston 
had any concern in those proposals. That the members of the conven- 
tion, or any of the persons who suggested the resort to a convention, had 
any views unfriendly to the Union of the States, is a gross calumny. 



A Letter of Noah Webstei^ to Daniel Webster 104 

originating in mere surmise and party jealousy. I heard all that was said 
at the meeting in Northampton, and at the meeting when the convention 
was proposed in Boston, and in the debates on the resolution in the 
House of Representatives ; and can affirm that the charges against the 
convention and those who proposed it, of designs against the constitu- 
tion, are utterly false and groundless. The object of the people and the 
measures of the convention were, in my view, as lawful, as constitutional 
and as honorable, as any that ever characterized the councils of any public 
body in this country. I knew all the gentlemen who first met to consult 
on the subject ; I knew most of the members of the convention, and with 
many of them, I had been intimately acquainted for twenty or thirty 
years ; I have been acquainted with many members of every Congress for 
more than fifty years, and I can affirm with confidence that no body of 
men, of the like number, ever convened in this country, have combined 
more talents, purer integrity, sounder patriotism and republican principles, 
or more firm attachment to the constitution of the United States, than 
the gentlemen who composed the Convention. 

The history of this convention. Sir, presents full proof that party 
spirit may impose misrepresentations, upon a whole people, and mislead a 
great portion of them into opinions directly contrary to facts. Other 
instances may be mentioned, which have been equally injurious to the 
reputation of our best citizens, and even more pernicious to the public 
welfare. But let this example suffice. 

Accept, Sir, the assurances of the high esteem and respect of 
Your Obed' Servt 

N Webster. 

\_Endorsement ■\ Letter to Daniel Webster Sept. 6. 1834 
I sent this Letter to M' Webster, without taking a copy — I after- 
ward requested him to return it — which he did after taking a copy for 
himself. 

N Webster. 



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